By Michael Moorcock
A remedy for melanoma is a unique by means of British fable and technological know-how fiction author Michael Moorcock. it really is a part of his long-running Jerry Cornelius sequence. This moment novel of the series is largely a university of absurdist vignettes, a lot of which first seemed in an eclectic variety of British and American magazines.
The lurid blurb of the unique version units the scene in picture phrases: "Up from the sea depths comes the jet-black caucasian transvestite champion. Resplendent in warpaint, wampum beads and silk swimsuit by means of Cardin, armed merely with a tomahawk and vibragun, he returns to the napalmed ruins of London to resurrect his sister and wrest from the disgusting Bishop Beesley and his bold henchwomen the black field which has diffracted the cosmos and set the realm spinning at super-speed in the direction of its personal ultimate resolution. Lock up your daughters, cover your stash, retain to the shadows."
Jerry inhabits an international at conflict with itself and, armed purely with an occasional "vibragun" looks to struggle "against history" for the liberty of "randomness" opposed to the straitlaced conventions exemplified through his brother Frank. finally Jerry's quest, indirect because it is, might be extra creative than political.
"Jerry didn't brain the bombs up to the rock scene. He wouldn't care what they despatched as long as it wasn't Simon and Garfunkel."
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Additional info for A Cure for Cancer
But his spin-doctoring Londinopolis (1657) was written to drum up pride in the ‘imperial chamber’ or ‘chief emporium of Great Britain’. 34 The City, too, could slip from lofty grandeur to seedy crime in the short space of a few sentences of the same order/pronouncement, juxtaposing optimism and pessimism for effect. 35 Magistrates did not flit from one seemingly contradictory rhetoric to another without purpose. There was a grain of truth in each positive or negative note. 36 Differing ideas of dilapidation and elegance were meant to persuade people of the need to improve the environment.
308, 423; 6, fos. 16, 387–7v; 7, fo. 128v. LMA Letterbook S, fo. 69; Waddington, Considerations, pp. 9–10, 16v; The Humble Petition of Thomas Stanley . . ; John Howes’ MS, pp. 14, 16–17; Munday, Briefe Chronicle, p. 379. It seems that the first use of the term artmaster in surviving sources was in 1597, although there is a gap in Bridewell books from 1579–98. See Waddington, Considerations, pp. 18–19; J. G. White, A Short History of the Royal Hospitals of Bridewell and Bethlem (1899), pp. 7–8.
There are no better records to study petty crime before 1660. None so bulky that let us go so deep into street life or what it meant to be vagrant or pregnant with nowhere left to turn. There are vagrants on almost all pages, 74 75 Archer, Pursuit of Stability, p. 238; Dabhoiwala, ‘Summary justice’, 801. Dabhoiwala, however, imposes a later reading on early Bridewell process. He thinks that the court ‘met every two or three weeks’ up until the second quarter of the eighteenth century. In fact, it met more often than this early on.