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Sons, nephews, and cousins would join their successful kinsmen in Singapore to work as journeymen and apprentices, learning the family business as they contributed to the overall financial success of the clan. Compared to their ticket-credit counterparts, free immigrants experienced less exploitation and maintained a higher degree of financial and social independence. 4 ORIGINS OF IMMIGRANTS Besides their differences in economic backgrounds, point-of-origin was another potentially divisive element in the huaqiao community.
Sharpe, 1997). 46 For more information on the origins of the term huaqiao see Wang Gungwu, Community and Nation: Essays on Southeast Asia and the Chinese (Singapore: Heinemann Educational Books, 1981), 118–127. 47 The newspaper was the primary forum for the Singapore New Culture Movement, and by 1932, Singapore’s newspapers had a circulation rate of well over 50,000. Undoubtedly many more than that were reading the papers. See chapter 4. 48 Chow’s time frame is by no means the definitive one. Others have taken a much larger view of the movement.
6. Chinese-Language Papers of Singapore, 1890–1911 the paper to continue uninterruptedly until and through the New Culture era. Subsequent Chinese papers were not always as nonpartisan as the Le Bao. From 1890 until 1911, Singapore’s papers mirrored the charged ideological conflict between reformists and revolutionaries. Some newspapers became advocates of Kang’s reformist camp, while others pressed for a more fundamental revolution a la Sun Yat-sen. The divisive nature of these newspapers was well-known outside Singapore.