Choosing a President: The Electoral College and Beyond by Paul D. Schumaker, Burdett A. Loomis

By Paul D. Schumaker, Burdett A. Loomis

"Choosing a President" evaluates the Electoral collage process and 6 valid possible choices to it. A workforce of 37 political scientists think of the elemental questions that visit the guts of the talk. at the foundation of those deliberations, each one contributor exhibits the level to which she or he helps or opposes the Electoral collage and its possible choices. This name gains: dialogue on how the Electoral university was once created, advanced, and at the moment works, delivering primary historic and political wisdom; and a scientific account of present possible choices to the Electoral collage providing 3 reforms and 3 attainable replacements. It demonstrates modes of political research: comparing associations and reforms based on their logical consistency with wanted standards, and comparing associations and reforms in line with their (likely) results and implications. It is helping increase scholars' knowing of political research.

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No coherent theory supported this solution, although it is also fair to say that as originally designed the Electoral College was commensurate in its details with the broader constitutional principles of federalism, separation of powers, and checks and balances. A review of the Electoral College’s basic features will allow us to identify its internal logic, permit some discussion of the reasoning that connects the College to broader constitutional principles, and set the stage for explaining later changes.

The purpose of minimal thresholds — typically of 5 or 10 percent — is to minimize the capacities of fringe candidates or those representing merely regional interests from being “spoilers” who prevent the major candidates from getting an electoral majority. There may be good arguments for having such thresholds, but they undermine the logic of the proportionality principle, which is to ensure adequate representation for voters having minority views and interests. Thus, the proportional allocation reform that we consider here does not include minimal thresholds.

16. Popular votes for the presidency were not reported by congressional districts and had to be calculated by a time-consuming process that continued into summer 2001. According to a preliminary estimate, Bush would have won in 228 congressional districts and Gore would have won in 207. , Bush would have captured 288 electoral votes compared to 250 votes for Gore. org. 17. In some proportional systems, candidates must attain some minimal threshold to qualify for any electors — even though a strict proportionality principle would dictate otherwise.

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