Evaluation and Optimization of Electoral Systems by Pietro Grilli di Cortona, Cecilia Manzi, Aline Pennisi,

By Pietro Grilli di Cortona, Cecilia Manzi, Aline Pennisi, Federica Ricca, Bruno Simeone

This monograph deals a scientific quantitative method of the research, evaluate, and layout of electoral platforms. this present day, electoral reform is of outrage to child democracies in addition to many aged ones. The authors use mathematical types and automated systems, whilst attainable, to unravel many of the difficulties that come up within the comparability of present platforms in addition to within the building of recent ones. One virtue of the booklet is the emphasis on unmarried- and multiple-criteria optimization tools. This strong instrument equipment may also help political researchers review and select a suitable electoral approach. A basic formal version is incorporated in addition to a coding approach to explain, establish, and classify electoral platforms. overview standards and the corresponding functionality signs are mentioned.

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For example, "dis -< reg" means that in a first phase some seats are assigned at district level, and in a second phase the remaining seats are assigned at regional level. Instead "dis, reg" means that a fraction of the total number of seats is assigned at district level and another fraction at regional level. There exists a correspondence between elements of a string on the same side of the priority and simultaneousness operators. For example, the string represents an electoral formula which assigns seats at district level with the natural quota proportional method and, then, it assigns the remaining seats at regional level with d'Hondt's proportional divisor method.

The traditional method used to measure fractionalization is based on computing the probability that two randomly selected voters do not vote for the same party [Rae, 1967]. If a unique party holds 100% of the total vote, the probability that two voters do not agree on the party to vote for is zero. , one) only if there are as many parties as the electors. The chance that any two voters will have chosen the same party is given by so that vote fractionalization (or the probability of dyadic disagreement) is its complement: The indicator F takes values in the [0,1] interval, and it is sensitive to both the number of parties and the relative equality of the party shares.

The number n of parties that are competing in a given election is very simple to determine, but it tells nothing about the relative strength of these parties and their consensus among the voters. 1. In the example the number of parties does not change from one system to another, but one does not need to be an expert to see that the three systems represent totally different competitive relationships. System 1 can in fact be considered a single-party system since party A enjoys nearly all of the vote; system 2 shows a case in which two parties (A and B) are more or less on even terms and a smaller but still consistent party exists (C); in system 3 all parties show the same relative strength.

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