By Folke Dovring
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Extra resources for Land and Labor in Europe 1900–1950: A Comparative Survey of Recent Agrarian History
0 ·. ·. 0 26 .. .. 1 .. ·. .. .. ·. ·. ·. 000 3,500 7,000 1,900 5,000 850 20 50 40 50 50 40 50 25 6. 8 00 40 50 60 .. .. 44 LAYOUT OF LAND In order to gr asp some of the facts about land fragmentation in Europe, the a bo ve table has been compiled from available statistics>. Sources and some further details are given in Appendix 2. The year indicated within brackets is t hat to which the basic statistics relate, and also the averages given in the three first columns. Th e ovcr-all estimat es in the two last columns are adjusted so ns to refer to 1950.
In Bulgarin, for instance, there were no written land registers, but the system of oral recording seems to have functioned satisfactorily s. For our purpose, figures based on such local recording may be more reliable than those derived from a cadastre of the French type, because the concept of land parcel is likely to have been kept closer to realities. From post-war Bulgaria, land registers are incidentally mentioned in connection with the collective farms ', It may be that this is due to the adoption of model statutes for' the collective farms which rely to a great extent upon Russian patterns.
In a country like Bosnia-Hercegovina, where our medians show villages barely exceeding the tolerable limits in the ideal case, the mountainous topography sometimes causes a village zadruga (co-operative farm) to have 300 hectares of agriculturalland spread over an area of 80 square kms b. It is evident that village size and layout in the South often causes serious waste of labor, which sometimes even impedes a somewhat rational use of the land c. This is the case not only in the areas where the villages are biggest.