By Sarah H. Jacoby
Love and Liberation reads the autobiographical and biographical writings of 1 of the few Tibetan Buddhist girls to list the tale of her existence. Sera Khandro Künzang Dekyong Chönyi Wangmo (also known as Dewé Dorjé, 1892-1940) used to be remarkable not just for reaching spiritual mastery as a Tibetan Buddhist visionary and guru to many lamas, monastics, and laity within the Golok area of japanese Tibet, but in addition for her candor. This booklet listens to Sera Khandro's conversations with land deities, dakinis, bodhisattvas, lamas, and fellow spiritual neighborhood individuals whose voices interweave along with her personal to relate what's a narrative of either love among Sera Khandro and her guru, Drimé Özer, and non secular liberation.
Sarah H. Jacoby's research makes a speciality of the prestige of the feminine physique in Sera Khandro's texts, the advantage of celibacy as opposed to the expediency of sexuality for spiritual reasons, and the adaptation among profane lust and sacred love among female and male tantric companions. Her findings upload new dimensions to our knowing of Tibetan Buddhist consort practices, complicating common scriptural displays of male topic and feminine aide. Sera Khandro depicts herself and Drimé Özer as inseparable embodiments of perception and process that jointly shape the Vajrayana Buddhist imaginative and prescient of entire buddhahood. by means of advancing this complementary sacred partnership, Sera Khandro carved a spot for herself as a feminine virtuoso within the male-dominated sphere of early twentieth-century Tibetan faith.
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Extra resources for Love and Liberation: Autobiographical Writings of the Tibetan Buddhist Visionary Sera Khandro
The contemporary woman displays health by taking a stance of resistance to prevailing fashion ideals; she "takes control" of her wardrobe and her selfpresentation. They're not real. " In addition, in her general categorization of the women of fashion—"they're always," "they never"—Marsha suggests a low tolerance for deviation from narrowly defined criteria for female attractiveness in the world of fashion.
Barbara's discussion of the ideal body, for example, is connected to a release from rigid standards; yet, her language choices and her "list" of requisites for attractiveness imply that women's "health" involves numerous restrictions. You have to look healthy, and in looking healthy you can't be pale, you can't look tired, you can't look fat, you can't look flabby. Simultaneously, she, like many women, defines health by identifying aesthetic concerns. To illustrate, Ellen observes a connection between physical attractiveness and power within hierarchically organized institutions and practices.
12). 64). Implicating women's reproductive functions as evidence for female pathology points to cultural and medical visions of feminine sexuality as diseased or diseaseproducing. 3 If she is given a label of disease, however, medical intervention underscores the legitimacy of women's natural propensity for disease. But just like the habitual criminal, the overeater doesn't really understand his motives. It should come as no surprise, then, given the history of women and disease, that such women are seen as offensive because they occupy a space reserved for men.