Monsanto and Intellectual Property in South America by Felipe Amin Filomeno (auth.)

By Felipe Amin Filomeno (auth.)

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For INTA, this meant a reduction in budget, skilled personnel and research equipment (Gutiérrez and Penna 2004: 18; Linzer 2008: 712). In 1995, the institute lost financial autonomy and was severely debilitated with the elimination of taxes on exports. For years, a small share of those taxes had been assigned to INTA by law (Barsky and Gelman 2001: 375; Pengue 2001: 22). Neoliberal policies that weakened INTA also facilitated the extension to Argentina of the process of concentration that was taking place in the world industry of agricultural inputs.

Growing public mobilization emerged around this treaty, with NGOs claiming its strong 20 Monsanto and Intellectual Property in South America bias in favor of corporations from the Global North is a result of a pattern of rule-making in which organizations representing the interests of knowledge-users played no part (Knowledge Ecology International 2012). Pattern of competition in the provision of technology Cross-national variation in the structure of the industry providing the technology that is the object of IP also affects IP regimes.

Effective cooperation of soy growers with international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and social movements was also absent. Soy growers engaged in bilateral negotiations with Monsanto, competing with their neighbors for access to seed technology that could improve their position in the world market. The ‘race-to-the-top’ in IP, however, was not an inexorable force of globalization. Its reproduction in each country depended on the strategies adopted by local actors under conditions specific to their national political economies.

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