Muslim Societies: Historical and Comparative Perspectives by Sato Tsugitaka

By Sato Tsugitaka

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21 Triaud, Légende noire, 783. 22 Enzo Santarelli, Giorgio Rochat, Romain Rainero and Luigi Goglia, Omar al-Mukhtar: The Italian reconquest of Libya (London, 1986). 1815 in Fez), a contemporary (and probably a remote relative) of al-Sanesc, above. On the Tijancya, see Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, The Tijaniyya: A Sufi order in a modern world (London, 1965). O. Ylyruntimzhin, The Segu Tukolor Empire (London, 1972) and David Robinson, The Holy War of Umar Tal: The Western Sudan in the mid-nineteenth century (Oxford, 1985); see also Martin, Muslim Brotherhoods, 68–98.

For an example of such multiple adhesions, see those of the Mugammad b. ‘Alc al-Sanesc, discussed below. He wrote two different fihrists each of forty Ways that he had attached himself to (al-Manhal al-rawc and al-Salsabcl al-ma‘cn), but these were only the most select of a much larger body of Ways he had ‘collected’. Downplaying the importance of such subsidiary ‘network’ contacts is Barbara R. D. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1997), 122–31. Although many strands to what became Shc‘c thought were found in the early centuries, the cohesion of these into something more than the theological currents of the formative period coincided with the establishment of the Qarmaic, Faiimc and other Shc‘a-based political entities at this time.

Diversity in action, unity of motivation By making such a comparative study of various cases, selected not so much from a similarity of political attitude as from religious background, we can perhaps see better how the religious and the political are intertwined. They are not conceptually meshed, the political action remains a side-effect of the brotherhood’s purpose and main goal. All the Sufi leaders discussed were mystics who regularly sought the personal experience of divine presence, through a piety and devotion to the Prophet, like all other Islamic mystics.

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