By Robert W. McChesney, John Nichols, Noam Chomsky, Barbara Ehrenreich, Ralph Nader
Our Media, now not Theirs! The Democratic fight opposed to company Media examines how the present media process within the usa undermines democracy, and what we will be able to do to alter it. McChesney and Nichols commence through detailing how the media process has turn out to be ruled via a handful of transnational conglomerates that use their vast political and financial energy to saturate the inhabitants with commercial messages. additional, the authors offer an research of the burgeoning media reform actions within the usa, and description methods we will be able to structurally swap the media process via coalition paintings and movement-building: the instruments we'd like as a way to conflict for a greater media. Read more...
summary: Our Media, no longer Theirs! The Democratic fight opposed to company Media examines how the present media approach within the usa undermines democracy, and what we will be able to do to alter it. McChesney and Nichols commence through detailing how the media approach has emerge as ruled through a handful of transnational conglomerates that use their sizeable political and monetary energy to saturate the inhabitants with advertisement messages. additional, the authors offer an research of the burgeoning media reform actions within the usa, and description methods we will be able to structurally swap the media method via coalition paintings and movement-building: the instruments we'd like so one can conflict for a greater media
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Additional resources for Our media, not theirs : the democratic struggle against corporate media
In short, the traditional distinctions of left and right are not decisive categories. The more accurate split is between up and down, those who benefit materially from the corrupt status quo, and those who do not. Even so-called political conservatives, especially those outside the beltway without million-dollar stock portfolios, dislike the way their children’s brains are marinated in commercialism. They despise the corporate welfare that gives tens of billions of dollars worth of public property to corporations every year, and they no longer even participate in political campaigns based on idiotic thirty-second TV commercials.
The budget bill was revised and sent back to Clinton again with the anti-microradio rider attached to it. As the bill was the product of arduous negotiations, President Clinton was of no mind to veto it. Microradio, as a viable alternative on the radio dial, was killed. Should we read the microradio defeat as evidence that there is no hope for a media reform movement? That’s what the NAB would like. But it is not a rational response. In fact, the microradio fight illustrates the enormous potential of a well-organized reform movement.
Leaving nothing to chance, those who wage “the everlasting battle for the minds of men” have also established influential think tanks and other devices to constrain the limited public space allowed by corporate media. Consolidation of media and restriction of any public service function is a natural concomitant of these programs, quite apart from independent factors that are leading to oligopoly in many sectors of the economy, controlled by a small number of conglomerates linked to one another by strategic alliances and to the powerful states on which they rely, and over which they cast their shadow.