Political Power and Social Theory by Diane E Davis

By Diane E Davis

Quantity 17 of "Political energy and Social idea" showcases scholarship through historic, political, and monetary sociologists grouped round 3 wide matters with either modern and historic relevance. the 1st is the connection among race, type, and concrete politics, and in particular, how racial and sophistication identities have interaction with one another to provide social and political energy dynamics in twentieth century American towns. the second one topic, the interplay of voters, states, and social routine in either colonial and transnational context, turns clear of the sub-national point of the town and examines social and political dynamics on the point of countries or even empires, even supposing racial identities, social routine, and citizenship matters stay suitable in different of those papers besides. either U.S. and eu situations are tested. the ultimate subject of inquiry is the social origins of company irresponsibility, an issue that's explored during the lens of organizational idea, state-society family members, and the historical past of labor-corporate kinfolk. total, the amount goals to open new old, methodological, and theoretical traces of inquiry for sociologists, association theorists, political scientists, historians, and others who search to appreciate the most urgent inequalities and injustices of our instances

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While traditional elites gained from the influx of tourists, the emerging white middle classes were angered by the machine’s perceived indifference to urban social problems. As Lay argues, in the eyes of this group race, religion, and crime coincided: Catholic machine bosses controlled Catholic Mexican votes and were responsible for corruption and the crisis of civil order (Lay, 1992a, p. 73; see also Dumenil, 1995, p. 243). Class, Race, and Urban Politics 17 According to Lay, however, the El Paso Klan ‘‘largely ignored the Hispanic majority, never employed violence, and spent most of its time challenging the policies of fellow Anglos who dominated city government, focusing on such issues as better public education, honest elections, and road construction’’ (Lay, 1994, p.

These ‘‘civic’’ issues were not simple expressions of popular community but reflected the balance of power and conflicting interests among specific groups. Similarly, anti-crime and ‘‘vice’’ campaigns were inseparable from the competition for political power, especially in cities where crime, corruption, and loose public morals (however defined) were identified with machine politicians and ethnic patronage. The politics of local state-making also highlight the barriers the movement experienced in implementing its desired policy changes.

The Klan’s secrecy, ritual, and regalia offered symbolic community and psychological relief to its followers, while its vigilantism gave vent to more pathological urges (Chalmers, 1965, p. 115). The movement spread like a religious revival across the country and then just as quickly collapsed, from internal factionalism, the public exposure of members, and the corruption of its own leaders. In sociology, this interpretation was formalized by Seymour Lipset and Earl Raab, under the rubric of collective behavior theory (Lipset & Raab, 1970; see also Lipset 1998, [1982]).

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