By Marcos Engelken-Jorge, Pedro Ibarra Güell, Carmelo Moreno del Rio
Mainstream liberal narratives have usually depicted politics as a question of energy and competing pursuits, brushing off feelings or conceiving them as threats to a rational and well-ordered society. within the final a long time, even though, this standpoint has been more and more challenged by means of a few students discovering at the advanced and multidimensional function of feelings in politics. This edited assortment goals at supplying a concise yet complete advent to this quarter of study. The essays contained during this quantity specialise in a unmarried case, the Obama phenomenon, illustrating empirically how the variable 'emotions' can increase political research. Taken jointly, the essays replicate the plurality of ways on hand to the learn of politics and feelings and hence give a contribution to the state of the art debates in this attention-grabbing subject.
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Extra resources for Politics and Emotions: The Obama Phenomenon
The complex amalgam of beliefs, values, moral evaluations, physical sensations and communitarian narratives (Koziak 2000: 164). The omission of this dimension by MacIntyre has been to some extent corrected by other authors such as Sandel (1982) or Walzer (2004), also associated to communitarianism. These two authors have re-introduced the affective dimension into this theory, though in a very unsystematic fashion, in an attempt to correct the normative and motivational deficit of the rationalist idea of the good life advanced by MacIntyre.
Indeed, interest can be clearly expressed (‘interest will not lie’), and is furthermore undeniably individual (‘each person is the best judge of his interests’). On the other hand, it allows to bridge the gap to legitimate decision-making; to the generation of majorities by mechanisms of preference aggregation (decision-making rules, parliaments, political parties, and so forth). It should be noted that this process has three distinct components: 1) the substitution of principles (convictions, moral reasons), which should provide the moral basis of institutions, by the notion of interest, which is better attuned to negotiation (Hirschman 1977: 2).
Furthermore, the creation of community networks is usually presented as a kind of escape from moral subjectivism by appealing to a presumptive objective rationality of tradition. Moreover, it is striking that demands for representation of individuals or social groups are normally defended by resorting to an individual or group interest. , under the supervision of the author. This chapter is part of the project SEJ2007-67482: The Quality of Public Deliberation in Contemporary Democracies. M. 1007/978-3-531-93201-9_2, © VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften | Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH 2011 30 Emotions & Contemporary Political Theory better argument’.